Its terms were in direct contravention of Mr.Tilden's plan.

This was simplicity itself.

He was for asserting by formal resolution the conclusive right of the two Houses acting concurrently to count the electoral vote and determine what should be counted as electoral votes; and for denying, also by formal resolution, the pretension set up by the Republicans that the President of the Senate had lawful right to assume that function.

He was for urging that issue in debate in both Houses and before the country.
He thought that if the attempt should be made to usurp for the president of the Senate a power to make the count, and thus practically to control the Presidential election, the scheme would break down in process of execution.
Strange to say, Mr.Tilden was not consulted by the party leaders in Congress until the fourteenth of January, and then only by Mr.Hewitt, the extra constitutional features of the electoral-tribunal measure having already received the assent of Mr.Bayard and Mr.Thurman, the Democratic members of the Senate committee.
Standing by his original plan and answering Mr.Hewitt's statement that Mr.Bayard and Mr.Thurman were fully committed, Mr.Tilden said: "Is it not, then, rather late to consult me ?" To which Mr.Hewitt replied: "They do not consult you.

They are public men, and have their own duties and responsibilities.