[The Constitutional History of England From 1760 to 1860 by Charles Duke Yonge]@TWC D-Link bookThe Constitutional History of England From 1760 to 1860 CHAPTER III 3/49
Of the thirteen States which made up the body of Colonies, there was scarcely one whose Assembly did not present a petition against the proposed measure, and against any other which might be considered as an alternative.
Grenville, however, was not a man to be moved by petitions or remonstrances.
He was rather one whom opposition of any kind hardened in his purpose; and, as no substitute had been suggested, at the opening of the session of 1765 he proposed a series of resolutions requisite to give effect to the vote of the previous year, and imposing "certain stamp-duties and other duties" on the settlements in America, perhaps thinking to render his disregard of the objections which had been made less unpalatable by the insertion of words binding the government to apply the sums to be thus raised to "the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing" the Colonies themselves.
The resolutions were passed, as the "Parliamentary History" records, "almost without debate," on the 6th of March.[34] But the intelligence was received in every part of the Colonies with an indignant dissatisfaction, which astonished even their own agents in England.[35] Formidable riots broke out in several provinces.
In Massachusetts the man who had been appointed Distributor of Stamps was burnt in effigy; the house of the Lieutenant-governor was attacked by a furious mob, who avowed their determination to murder him if he fell into their hands; and resolutions were passed by the Assemblies of the different States to convene a General Congress at New York in the autumn, to organize a resistance to the tax, and to take the general state of affairs into consideration. Before, however, that time came, a series of events having no connection with these transactions had led to a change of ministry in England, and the new cabinet was less inclined to carry matters with a high hand. Indeed, even the boldest statesman could hardly have learned the state of feeling which had been excited in America without apprehension, and those who had the chief weight in the new administration were not men to imperil the state by an insistance on abstract theories of right and prerogative.
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