We cannot enrol these people under our religion, because we have not got one.
We can enrol them under our government, and if we are obliged to do that, the obvious essential is that like Roman rule before Christianity, or the English rule in India it should profess to be impartial if only by being irreligious.

That is why I willingly set down for the moment only the first impressions of a stranger in a strange country.
It is because our first safety is in seeing that it is a strange country; and our present preliminary peril that we may fall into the habit of thinking it a familiar country.

It does no harm to put the facts in a fashion that seems disconnected; for the first fact of all is that they are disconnected.

And the first danger of all is that we may allow some international nonsense or newspaper cant to imply that they are connected when they are not.

It does no harm, at any rate to start with, to state the differences as irreconcilable.
For the first and most unfamiliar fact the English have to learn in this strange land is that differences can be irreconcilable.
And again the chief danger is that they may be persuaded that the wordy compromises of Western politics can reconcile them; that such abysses can be filled up with rubbish, or such chasms bridged with cobwebs.
For we have created in England a sort of compromise which may up to a certain point be workable in England; though there are signs that even in England that point is approaching or is past.