of the dogma that there can be no war, so far as foreign nations are concerned, and, therefore, no neutrality, so long as there is a sovereignty _de jure_[170]." But in this first representation Adams, in the main, laid stress upon the _haste_ with which the Proclamation of Neutrality had been issued, and, by inference, upon the evidence that British sympathies were with the South.
One British journal was, indeed, at this very moment voicing exactly those opinions advanced by Adams.

The _Spectator_ declared that while the Proclamation, on the face of it, appeared to be one of strict neutrality, it in reality tended "directly to the benefit of the South[171]." A fortnight later this paper asserted, "The quarrel, cover it with cotton as we may, is between freedom and slavery, right and wrong, the dominion of God and the dominion of the Devil, and the duty of England, we submit, is clear." She should, even though forced to declare her neutrality, refuse for all time to recognize the slave-holding Confederacy[172].

But the _Spectator_ stood nearly alone in this view.

The _Saturday Review_ defended in every respect the issue of the Proclamation and added, "In a short time, it will be necessary further to recognize the legitimacy of the Southern Government; but the United States have a right to require that the acknowledgment shall be postponed until the failure of the effort which they assert or believe that they are about to make has resulted in an experimental proof that subjugation is impossible[173]." A few provincial papers supported the view of the _Spectator_, but they were of minor importance, and generally the press heartily approved the Proclamation.
At the time of Adams' interview with Russell on May 18 he has just received an instruction from Seward written under the impression aroused by Dallas' report of Russell's refusal on April 8 to make any pledge as to British policy on the recognition of Southern independence.

Seward was very much disturbed by what Russell had said to Dallas.