But it will be seen that this course is not taken with a view to making party capital for my own side.

As I read Irish history, neither party need expect very much credit for more than good intentions.

Whichever proves to be right in its main contention, each will have to bear its share of the responsibility for the long continuance of the barren controversy.

Each has neglected to concern itself with the settlement of vitally important questions the consideration of which need not have been postponed because the constitutional question still remained in dispute.
Therefore, though I seem to throw upon the Nationalist party the chief blame for our present political backwardness, and, so far as politics affect other spheres of national activity, for our industrial depression, candour compels me to admit that Irish Unionism has failed to recognise its obligation--an obligation recognised by the Unionist party in Great Britain--to supplement opposition to Home Rule with a positive and progressive policy which could have been expected to commend itself to the majority of the Irish people--the Irish of the Irish Question.
To my own party in Ireland then, I would first direct the reader's attention.

I have already referred to the deplorable effects produced upon national life by the exclusion of representatives of the landlord and the industrial classes from positions of leadership and trust over four-fifths of the country.